Dalit Migrants

ISBN-13: 9783031392245 / Angielski / Twarda / 2023

Ajeet Kumar Pankaj

Opis

This book offers a detailed narrative of Dalit migrants' everyday experience in urban areas with regard to the availability and accessibility of welfare services and state institutions. It discusses caste, specifically the identity of integration for Dalit migrants and the social work profession to integrate a marginalized community. Further, the book also highlights social, political, cultural, and economic changes among Dalit migrants in cities.The book traces the trajectory of Dalit migrants and captures their mobility from rural to urban areas, which is a complex economic and social phenomenon. In consideration of this complexity, the author explores the process of migration in its finer details through a focus on lived experiences of Dalit migrants in cities. Dalits often migrate to cities in search of better employment and livelihood opportunities because their occupations are invariably associated with their caste in villages. This book investigates the role of caste-based identity in Dalit migrants’ emancipation and integration in cities. In addition, the book examines the role of caste in the exclusion of Dalit migrants in cities and explains the dynamic nature of the 'state' and Dalit migrants' assertion.Among the topics covered in the book's seven chapters:

• Mumbai/Bombay: Migration, Caste, and Dalits
• Caste and Migration: The City—A Site for ‘Inclusion’ and Emancipation
• Entitlement, Deprivation, and Basic Services: Everyday Experience of Dalit Migrants with the State

Dalit Migrants: Assertion, Emancipation, and Social Change is intended for students, academicians, and researchers in social work, migration studies, labour studies, development studies, population science, and economics. Developmental professionals also will be keen to read the book.

Spis treści

Introduction

The chapter introduction provides brief of the idea of the book and why the topic and context covered in the book is essential to come in public domain.

• Migration and Dalits: Setting the Context
• Emancipation for Dalit Migrants: The Emerging Phenomena of ‘Migration and City’
• Complexity of Indian Society and Migration: Caste, Class, and Question of Livelihood
• Book Scheme

Mumbai/Bombay: Migration, Caste, and Dalits                                

• Mumbai: A Destination of Migrants
• Migration and Caste in Colonial and Post-Colonial Bombay
• Life of Dalit and Dalit Migrants in Post-Colonial Bombay
• Socio-Spatial Ghetto of Dalit Migrants
• Dalit Migrants and Social Change: Contemporary Context

Bhima Koregaon: Deconstruction, Construction, and Re-construction of Dalit ‘Pride’

The chapter ‘Bhima Koregaon: Rewriting the History from the Perspective of Dalit Migrants’ stresses on the significance of historical facts and myths, as well as how these are being deconstructed and contributing in Dalit migrant’s assertion in the city. The chapter argues that When Dalit Migrants arrived in Mumbai, they developed cohesive and reciprocal relationships with the local Dalits and thus, socio-cultural exchange started to take place, resulting in a sense of emancipation through the recognition of symbols related to Dalit history. The section ‘Subaltern Communication: Caste Identity and ‘Knowing the history of ‘Ours’ argues that during the processes of socio-cultural exchange, Dalit migrants started making visits to Bhima Koregaon with local Dalits.  The section ‘The Making of Bhima Koregaon and Dalit Migrants’ explain that the symbols related to Ambedkar have imparted a sense of empowerment among Dalits and visiting the places associated with Ambedkar provide an opportunity for Dalit migrants to construct and revisit the history of their pride and identity. The emergence of socio-cultural consciousness among Dalit migrants in Mumbai and its manifestation in forms of recognition of symbolic places related to their ideologue seems to have enormous importance from the perspective of interest of subaltern living in various cities on the one hand, and the making of their own sacred sphere in cities, on the other. The dominant caste groups see and interpret the emerging cultural assertion and construction of pride in their history among Dalit migrants as challenges to their long established ‘cultural hegemony’. The section ‘Bhima Koregaon and Dalit Migrant’s Experience of Caste Violence’ provide details notes on the Bhima Koregaon clash and violence and how Dalit migrants experienced violence at the site during their visits on 1^st January 2018. Further, chapter explore the enormous changes in the security arrangement during the visits of 1^st January 2019 and role of state in violence, peace, and subaltern politics. The section ‘Bhima Koregaon, Dalit Assertion, and Everyday State’ explain the dynamic nature of ‘state’ and Dalit assertion. Further the chapter made concluding remark with argument that the battle of Bhima Koregaon and its celebration by Dalit migrants are ‘a claim in history, and the obelisk is the source of inspiration to fight against caste inequality’.

• Subaltern Communication: Caste Identity and ‘Knowing the history of ‘Ours’
• The Making of Bhima Koregaon and Dalit Migrants
• Bhima Koregaon and Dalit Migrant’s Experience of Caste Violence
• Bhima Koregaon, Dalit Assertion, and Everyday State

Religion, Politics, and Ideology: Migration and Everyday Assertion

The chapter tries to explore the dimensions—and the sub-themes— of religion, politics, and ideology of Dalit migrants, and the changes in their thoughts and views after arrival in Mumbai. It discusses the everyday experiences of the Dalit migrants, including matters of faith and interactions with native Dalits. This chapter also highlights the politics of various Dalit symbol from the perspective of Dalit migrants, covering briefly ideas around identity and solidarity of the native Dalits. The chapter tries to locate identity politics and how it changed the views of Dalit migrants in relation to their religious beliefs. The views expressed by the participants testify their beliefs about the city as an emancipatory space for Dalit migrants. It helped them to develop an alternative ideology that is cantered on Buddhism, identity politics and politics of symbol. Over time, the Dalit migrants develop a sense of solidarity with the native Dalit, effectively an expression of ‘caste solidarity’ in the city. The changing notions about Buddhism and its practices seem to have significantly contributed to the formation of counter-hegemonic assertion by the Dalit migrants against the dominant narrative of the majority religion i.e., Hinduism. The chapter also explains how caste and identity politics become the drivers of the community’s development, particularly the subaltern group.

The chapter is divided into five sections. The section on ‘Identity and Negotiation: The Politics of ‘Ours’ and Caste ‘Solidarity’ discusses the formation of solidarity and its influence in the everyday life of Dalit migrants. This section also highlights the politics of identity and how identity often become the means to negotiate with the politics of ‘sons of soil’. The section, ‘Buddhism and Religious Conversion: Changing Pattern of Everyday Life’, discusses the transformations in religious practices after the Dalits arrive in the city and their first exposure to Buddhism and its various practices. In due course, the migrants found that it was a useful mechanism to counter the dominant narrative. Dalit migrants tend to use Buddhism and Buddhist practices to escape from the embedded notions of caste and Hinduism. Their effort is not merely limited up to changing their practices, but also in transcending the changes in their source villages when they go back.

The section ‘Politics of Symbol: History, Myths, and Counter-hegemonic Assertion’ provides a detailed account of the various places in the city that are of ideological significance to the Dalit migrants. Among such places are those associated with the life of Ambedkar visiting which helped them in the deconstruction of myths related to their history. This has strengthened their efforts to claim a special space in the form of a subaltern narrative which is important to the Dalits because they are denied the space in mainstream history. The section also captures the narrative around the politics of symbol, a means of assertion for Dalit migrants. In the section, ‘BSP and Party Politics: Politics of Identity and Community Development’, an attempt is made to explore alternative ways and methods for community development, one of the aspects of social development. The section tries to argue how party politics and mobilising Dalit migrants can influence the idea of community development. It also offers a ‘subaltern idea of community development’ through party politics and mobilization of the Dalit migrants. The last section ‘Dalit Migrant’s Resistance: Social Work and Social Change’, locate Dalit migrant’s everyday resistance in the realms of social work resistance to explore the dynamics of social change. This section provide detail connotation of how Dalit migrant’s resistance against social exclusion and discrimination helpful to understand social work resistance in Indian and global context. Besides that, this section also highlights the churning in the life of Dalit migrants which is leading to social change in India.

• Identity and Negotiation: The Politics of ‘Ours’ and Caste ‘Solidarity
• Buddhism and Religious Conversion: Changing Pattern of Everyday Life
• Politics of Symbol: History, Myths, and Counter-hegemonic Assertion
• BSP and Party Politics: Politics of Identity and Community Development
• Dalit Migrant’s Resistance: Social Work and Social Change

Caste and Migration: The City—A Site for ‘Inclusion’ and Emancipation

The chapter is an attempt to delineate the everyday experience of the Dalit migrants with reference to changes in their thoughts, behaviours, consumption patterns, material wellbeing, freedom, and feeling of inclusiveness in the city. In addition, the discussions refer to the caste-based discrimination in their villages that the migrants remember and compare with their present situation. The Dalit migrants in the chapter also describe the discrimination and exclusion experience at the destination, which has limited their opportunities to progress. However, despite the claims of the migrants, the study did not find much prevalence of caste discrimination and exclusion. However, it cannot be denied that they exist. There were Dalit migrants who described experiencing discrimination in ‘subtle’ ways, unlike its open practice in their villages. Some of the migrants had claimed that their move to the city was an attempt to escape the discrimination they experienced at their source villages and lead a life without restriction in terms of livelihood opportunities and lifestyles.

The improved material wellbeing of Dalit migrants in Mumbai has instilled a feeling of having 'equal' status with the upper castes. This chapter argues that the transformation in the consumption patterns of Dalit the migrants tend to be a means for upward mobility in society—from 'being poor to becoming a part of the middle class.' Overall, the discussions in the chapter are aimed at providing a sense of caste in the villages and cities, and the differences as well as shifts in the consumption patterns of the Dalit migrants. The influence of these changes in their everyday life encompasses their social, economic, and political being.

The first section of the chapter, ‘Caste in the Memory and Narrative of Dalit Migrants’ provides a brief account of the Dalit migrants’ experiences in their villages and how the pain, suffering, and humiliation have endured in their memory. The next section, ‘Caste in the City: Lived Experience of Dalit Migrants,' discusses the lived experiences of Dalit migrants with reference to caste-based exclusion in Mumbai. This section highlights how the migrants’ caste travelled with them from their villages to the city of their destination and exerted a moderate influence on their lives in Mumbai. The ‘subtle’ forms of caste discrimination experienced by the migrants in Mumbai are also described. The third section, ‘Making the Difference between Caste in Village and City: Narrative of Humiliation and Freedom,' highlights the differences between caste in the city and that in the villages. Caste is very visible in the villages; however, in the city, caste distinctions are not sharp—they are blurred and diffused and hence, not immediately apparent. The fourth section, ‘Everyday Consumption: The Changing Lifestyles of Dalit Migrants in the City,' provides a detailed account of the transformation in the lives of Dalit migrants after their shift to the city. An argument is presented that changing consumerism and material wellbeing of Dalit migrants drive the Dalits to an existence with 'dignity' and 'pride,' which were once denied to them. The last section, 'conclusion,' reviews the discussion and presents the concluding remarks of the chapter.

• Caste in the Memory and Narrative of Dalit Migrants
• Caste in the City: Lived Experience of Dalit Migrants
• Making the Difference between Caste in Village and City: Narrative of Humiliation and Freedom
• Everyday Consumption: The Changing Lifestyles of Dalit Migrants in the City

Entitlement, Deprivation, and Basic Services: Everyday Experience of Dalit Migrants with the State

The chapter examines the availability, accessibility, and affordability of basic services for the Dalit migrants in Mumbai. It discusses the everyday experience of the Dalit migrants with various agents of the state, including the police, politicians, officials of the municipal corporation, and other stakeholders. The migrants are denied access to basic services like affordable housing, PDS and, even sometimes, toilets. The study tries to understand the reasons for, and the consequences of, the Dalits being denied most basic services. The chapter also tries to understand how the Dalit migrants negotiate these difficulties and manage their lives in the city in these circumstances. In addition, their experiences with the police and BMC are also recorded.

In the context of availability and access to basic services and facilities, the narratives of the Dalit migrants show that denial and deprivation are a daily occurrence. There is no option other than to seek alternatives if the migrants must survive in the city. They are more vulnerable than other migrants in this regard because of the entrenched caste hierarchy in Indian society, which exists in the city also. However, there is solidarity with the native Dalits, which often helps them to negotiate such challenges. Furthermore, the Dalit migrants have also politically mobilized, which has helped them in negotiating with authority and in navigating the daily challenges. Despite the odds and the overall lack of basic services, as well as state harassment of state, the Dalit migrants prefer to remain in the city for their livelihood. Even though they cannot access affordable housing, water, toilet, and frequently experience harassment by the police, they have retained their mobility because of the strong presence of caste in the villages and lack of resources there, which are major impediments to their survival.

The first section, ‘The State and Migrants’ Expectations’ shows that when the Dalit migrants start their journey from their villages, they do not have any expectations; but over time, they begin to have expectations from the state. These expectations include basic services, including water and toilet. The second section, ‘Housing and Everyday State’ highlights the challenges of housing and accommodation for Dalit migrants. The issues of 'legality' and 'illegality' of slum and land are the primary concern for the Dalit migrants because they are the targets of BMC and police in their efforts to 'evict' squatters on public land. However, because of their need, the Dalits negotiate with both state agencies to arrive at a sort of ‘adjustment’. The section, ‘PDS, Toilet, and Health: Denial of Basic Entitlement’ provides an account of Dalit migrants’ access to the PDS, toilets and health services in Mumbai. The mobility of Dalit migrants affects access to state welfare provisions—they are not entitled to PDS rations when they migrate. Only migrants who have lived in Mumbai for many years and show evidence of permanent residence are entitled to access the state’s PDS. But there are problems of leakages and poor quality of food grains. Another major issue is the lack of adequate toilet facilities, especially for women family members of the migrants, because of which safety and security become major concerns. For healthcare, Dalit migrants are dependent on government hospitals; but the problem is that they are located at inconvenient distances from the homes of the migrants.

The section, ‘Water and ‘Middlemen’: Experiences with Everyday State’ discusses how water, a basic need, denied to the Dalit migrants. This is the outcome of the nexus between middlemen and the state. In the section, ‘Everyday Confrontation/Contestation with State and Dalit Migrants’, it is seen that Dalit migrants are an easy target for harassment by the state. The section ‘Life in the Scarcity: Negotiating Survival’ explains why, despite the various challenges and hurdles, migration to the city for survival is preferred by the Dalits over all other options. The ‘Conclusion’ section presents a summary of the discussions in this chapter.

• The State and Migrants’ Expectations
• Housing and Everyday State
• PDS, Toilet, and Health: Denial of Basic Entitlement
• Water and ‘Middlemen’: Experiences with Everyday State
• Everyday Confrontation/Contestation with State and Dalit Migrants

Conclusion

The present study attempted to understand how the lives of Dalit migrants were transformed after their shift to Mumbai. The transformation also shaped their social-cultural and political understanding. Traditionally, Dalits are excluded from the social, economic, cultural, and political spheres of society and consequently, are forced to live at the margins. Against the backdrop of deprivation, migration has emerged as a viable alternative for avoiding and escaping exclusion. From colonial to contemporary times, Dalits have used migration as a strategy to fight untouchability and exclusion. In the colonial period, Dalit migration was mostly confined to nearby cities; but post-independence, with increasing urbanization, globalization, and better communication and transportation facilities, long distance travel has become easier because of which, there is a spurt in migration to big cities. In addition, social networks, mainly caste-based, are seen as a major influence on the decision to migrate.

The present study argues that Dalits migrate to cities for employment and better livelihood opportunities, which they are deprived of in their villages because of the entrenched caste-based social hierarchy. Although most studies do not give much attention to this aspect, 'family problems or crises' were also seen to be a significant push factor for migration, which has been emerged strongly in this study.  In the city, over time, they are exposed to—and interact with—various cultural symbols and their meaning and manifestations. This exposure leads to a feeling of emancipation with which they assert themselves using these symbols. Often, the assertion could take the form of religious conversion.

The study offers three major aspects after the examination of various facets of Dalit migrant’s life in the city: 'integration through caste identity', assertion through symbols and Buddhism,' and the 'significance of Bhima Koregaon for Dalit migrants.' The integration of migrants with the host community is one of the most significant aspects of their inclusion at the destination. The present study examines the integration of Dalit migrants in the host community considering three significant aspects: communication with the native population, caste identity, and participation in the socio-cultural and political processes at the destination. Although better livelihood opportunities at the destination is the major pull factor, process of settling in the city involves exposure, communications and interactions with various stakeholders (employers, neighbours, fellow migrants, native people, and state agencies of the state). These processes are integral to their survival in the city. Through communications with these stakeholders, the Dalit migrants develop a feeling of comfort and engage with the local Dalits. Tea stalls; shops and establishments of fellow migrants, meetings of political parties, and at the auto rickshaw stand are popular places for their assembly and interactions.

O autorze

Ajeet Kumar Pankaj is assistant professor in the Department of Social Work at Indira Gandhi National Tribal University, Regional Campus Manipur, in India. He earned his Ph.D. from Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS) in Mumbai. His research interests cover caste, migration, exclusion, social policy, community development, and gig work. He has published several articles in national and international journals including Community Development Journal, Social Work with Groups, Journal of Asian and African Studies, and The American Journal of Economics and Sociology. He was also co-project investigator and collaborated with two universities (TISS, Mumbai and Kashmir University) in India for a joint research project entitled “Migrant Workers and Urbanisation in Politically Sensitive Areas: A Study in Kashmir & Manipur”, funded by ICSSR, New Delhi, India. Ajeet was a recipient of the DAAD Contact-Grant Fellowship for Visiting Research Scholar, 2017, and was based at the University of Oldenburg, Germany, as a visiting scholar in 2017. Currently, he is developing a grant proposal to study precarity of ‘gig migrant workers’.